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Federal Gazette & Baltimore Daily Advertiser 1807/01-1807/06 msa_sc3722_2_6_1-0414 Enlarge and print image (4M) |
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Federal Gazette & Baltimore Daily Advertiser 1807/01-1807/06 msa_sc3722_2_6_1-0414 Enlarge and print image (4M) |
| f From the tfew-York ArtMfiean Citi%eH. TO nUFUS KING, E?<1. -Sir, From your silence or. the subject cf my letter of the.4th instant, 'presume that J am not to he honored with a rep'y. Per- haps this may be owing to my temerity in addressing him, whom Mr. Coleman palls " the. first man in the country.'' OT the height to which your friends exalt or wish to exalt you, was not aware, when I rashly ventured to question the propriety of come parts of your past conduct. -I tho't that, in tie. country,, you nacl many equals —and I protest I imagined that Mr. Jeffer- son, for instance, was your superior. You ¦will, sir, however, I hope, excise ray igno- rance in this respect, and attribute it to the circumstance of my being an alien, and of course not yet sufficiently acquainted with the local politics or' this country. Though you, sir, have not honored me with your ndtice, I have been abundantly honored by your friends : and yet extraor- dina|y as it may appear, I mean to pay lit- tle attention to their assiduities, but to .en- velope nmMf in dignity like your own. As far as they have attempted to attack my character, I shall leave it to be defended by i defend itself. Not that I affect to be insensible tothe value of public opinio'i - bur in truth, and in Die pre- sent pressure of professional business, I have not time to do justice both to you and to myself; and I. think it of infinitely more iuiporrar.ee to the^community, in the exist. ihg crisis, to males known syhatyow arethau what / am. You are the candidate for public favor. : C induct is tlie proper - of public inquiry. Permit me, however, si", before I enter upon that interesting to- pic, to make a few general observations touching myself. Mr. Coleman has brought forward some extracts from the reports of the secret committee in Ireland—I think it more than probable that he was not himself in possession of these documents ; from whom then did he receive them ? There is no person in this country more likely to have them, than the gentleman who was at the time the resident minister in London. When you handed them to him, perhaps your memory might have served you to state, that as soon as those reports appeared in the prints of the day, Dr. M'Nevin, Mr. N'Coimor, and myself, at that time state prisoners, by an advertisement to which we subscribed our names, protested sgainst the falsehood and inaccuracy of those reports ; for which act we were remitted to close custody in our rooms for upwards of three months, and a proposal was made in the Irish house oi'commons by Mr. H'Naghten, an Orangeman, to take U30ut) and bang us without trial. You might, also, perhaps, have recollected (for it has been published) that while we were in that situation, other state calumnies accidentally reached the ears of one of out fellow-sufferers in another prison, who wrote a letter to the editor of the Courier inLondon, lor the purposeof con- tradicting them, and inclosed a copy of his letter to lord-Castfereagh. Upon this Mr. Secretary Cooke was sent to' inform him, that if he published the contradiction he should be hanged; to that he replied that he was ready to meet the event ; upon which Mr. Cooke told him, that since he was indifferent about his own lite, he must know that, if he persevered, the whole sys- tem of courts martial, massacre and horror should be renewed throughout the country. By that menace he was effectually restrain- ed. Had you thought of mentioning these things, you rnigh.t have jocularly addepT, that tltb* lb ents'might serve some ¦• as rather nice unfair to jadge of i calumnies of the Irish government than it would be to judge of Mr. Jefferson and his friends by the edito- rial articlrs in the Evening Post. The w a- pons you are using have been tried in Ire- land, among my friends and my enemies, ¦where every thing was minutely Known, and they failed of effect. If I had ever done any thing mean or dishonorable, if I r compromised my i tcr, my country or my cause, I should not be esteemed and beloved in Ireland as I am proud to know I am ; I should not enjoy the affection and respect of my rupu countrymen in, America, as you, s;:, and your friends confess I do. It would not be in the power of one who had departed from the line of his duty in theirs and his com- mon country, by simply. expressing to them his sentiments of you, to do you such ntia! injury as I am accused of having committed. Another charge made against me, is that I am an all. ring in the politics of this country. He it so for a moment, and let me ask why is it that I am an alien-in this my adopted country at this day ? Be 'ii consequence of your interference, I ¦was prevented from coming to it in 1798, & from being naturalised upwards of three years ago. Supposing then that I should refrain from iiitermedUng with politics in every o- tber case; where you are concerned I feei myself authorised to exercise the rights of a citizen as far as by law I may, for you know- it is an established rule of equity and good sense that no man shall be benefited by his own wrong. But how do I come forward ? Not as a citizen,.but as a witness. Allow me to ask you if"I possessed a knowledge of facts which could prove mr. Jefferson guilt v of a robbery or a cheat and umit to ba trust- ed with power, would you think me culpa- ble, if, notwithstanding my alienage, 1 made them known to the public to .prevent their being deceived and misled ? And shall I not be permited because in consequence of your very misconduct I am not a citizen, to tes- tify to facts which will prove you unfit to be entrusted in this country with any kind of delegated power? Whether Peter Porcupine or mr. Carpenter ever went thro' the forms of naturalization* I know not; but perhaps they might both be safely considered as ali- ens, arrdyet I have never heard any of your friends censure their interference jn the po- litics of America. I do not mention those jreiith-men as my model;;, nor propose their example as my vindication ; but I wish to shew the pliability of those principles which be erected into a barrier against me. As a Witness, then, sir, I come forward to testily, not to my countrymen, but to the electors of ibis city, to the whole of the U: States, if you should ever aspire to govern them, and I now present you with my evi- dence. * Porcupfne was not naturalized, and I understand Mr. Carpenter %t ntf.—Citizen, I a the ittBMnw of 17S8, after the attempt pfthe people of faej mci for their emancipa- tion had been completely defeated ; after every armed body had been dispersed or had sarrendered, eircept a few men that had ta- ken refuge in the mountains of Wicklbw "J military tribunals, house-burnings, --¦rture, and every kind ofdevasf- awon, w&redi s ilathtg atjjitoverwhelming the defenceless inhabitants, some of the state- ¦ prisoners then in confinement entered into a negotiation with the Irish ministers for effecting a general amnesty ; and as an in- ducement, offered, among other things not necessary to the examination of your con- duct, to emigrate to such country as might be agreed upon between them and the gov- ernment. When I consented to this offer, for one, (and it was-the case with the great majority.) I solemnly declare that I. was per- fectly apprised that-there were no legal grounds discovered, upon which to proceed against me. I further knew, that the crown solicitor had, in answer to the inquiries of my friends:, informed them there was no in- tention of preferring a bill of indictment a- gainst me. So much for the personal consi- derations by which I might have been actu- ated ; and now, sir, to return. The offer was accepted ; the bloody sys- tem was stopped for a time, and was not re- newed until after your interference, and af- ter the English ministry had resolved open- ly to break its faith with us. On our part, we performed our stipulations with the most punctilious fidelity, but in such a manner as to preserve to us the warmest approbation of our friends, and to excite the greatest dissa- tisfaction in our enemies. Government soon ,ed, that on the score of interest it had calculated badly, and had gained nothing by the contract. It was afraid to Jet us go at large, to develope, and detect the misre- presentations arid calumnies that were stu- diously set afloat, and had therefore, I am convinced, determined to violate its engage- ments, by keeping us prisoners as long as possible. How was this to be done i In the commencement of our negociation, lord Cas- tlereagh declared, as a reason for our acced- ing to government's possessing t. negative on our choice, that it had no worse place in view for our emigration than the 1). States of America. We had made onr election to go there, and him to have our agreement car- ried into execution. In that difficulty, you, sir, afforded very effectual assistance to the faithlessness of the British cabinet. On the 16th of September, Mr. Marsden, then uu- der-secretary, came to inform us that Mr. King had remonstrated against our being permited to emigrate to America. This as- tonished us all, and Dr. M'Nevin very plain- ly said, that he considered this excuse as a mere trick between Mr. Kingj*snd the Bri- tish government. This Mr. Marsden de- nied, and being pressed to know what rea- sons Mr. King could have for preventing us, who were avowed republicans, from emi- grating to America, he significantly answer- ed, " perhaps Mr. King does not desire to have'republicans in America." Your inter- ference was then, sir, made the pretext of detaining us four years in custody, by which very extensive and useful plans of settlement within these states were broken up. The misfortunes which you brought upon the objects of your persecution were incalculable. Almost all of us wasted four of the best years of our lives in prison. As to me, I should have brought along with me my fa- ther and his family, including a brother, whose name perhaps even you will not read without emotions of sympathy and respect. Others, nearly connected, will) Die, would have come partners in my emigrat >ri. but all of them have been torn frdfij n.e-. I,have , been prevented, from saving a brother, from ing the dying blessings of a father, mother and sister, and from soothing their last agonies by my cares : and this, sir, by yrjar unwarrantable & unfeeling interference. Your friend* when they accuse me of want of moderation, in my conduct towards you, are v¦ j:\ieiTully mistaken. They do not re lect, or know, that I have never spoken of you without suppressing (as I now do) personal feelings that rise up within me, and swell my heart with indignation and resent- But I mean to confine myself to an examination of your conduct, as far as it is of public importance. The step you took was unauthorised by your own. government. Our agreement with that of Ireland was entered into on the 26th of July. Your prohibition was notified to us on the 16th of September ; deduct seven days for the two communications between Dublin and London, and you had precisely 42 days, in the calms of summer, for trans- mitting your intelligence to America and re- ceiving an-answer. As you had no order then, what was the motive of your unau- thorised act ? I cannot positively say, but I will tell you my conviction. The British ministry had resolved to detain us prisoners, onr, contrary to their plighted honour ; and you, sir, I fear, lent your ministerial cha- racter to enable them to commit an act of per- fidy, which they would not otherwise have dared to perpetrate. Whether our conduct in Ireland was right or wrong, you have no justificaion for yours. The constitution and laws of this country gave you no power to require of the Britisli government that it should violate its faith, and withdraw from us its consent to the place we had fixed up- on for our voluntary emigration. Neither the president nor you were warranted to pre- vent our touching these shores ; though the former might, under the Alien act, have afterwards sent us away, if he iiad reason to think we were plotting any thing against the United States. I have heard something about the law of nations, bfit you, I presume, are too well acquainted with that law, not to know that it has no bearing on this subject. Our emigration was volunta- ry, and the English government had in point of justice no more to do with it than to signify that, there was no objection to the place of residence we had chosen. Another circumstance which compels me to believe a collusive league between you, in your capacity of resident minister from A- merica, and the cabinet of St. James, is the very extravagant and unwarrantable nature of yovr remonstrance, which, had the mi- nistry been sincere towards us, they could not. possibly have overlooked. If they had intended to observe their compact, you, sir, would have been very quickly made to feel the futility of your ill timed application. You would have been taught that it was a matter of mere private arrangement between government and us, with which you had no more to do than the minister of Denmark, Sweden, Portugal, or any other neutral power. What rnfi»r«M» cnght fairly to be made from the facts I have stated, every man must decide for himself. On me they have a forced conviction, which, if you can shake it, 1 shad much more gladiy forego than t state if here, that, in the'instance al- luded to, you degraded tlie dignity and in- dependence of the country you repn.s, til you abandoned the principles of its govern- ment* and its policy, and you b< came the tool of a foreign state, to give it a colourable pretext for the commission oi' a crime. If so, is it fit that 3'cu should hereafter be en- trusted with any kind of delegated authori- ty i What motives you may have bait for that conduct, if in truth it was yours, lean- not undertake to say. Mr. Marsden seemed to doubt whether yon wish for republicans in America—and I shrewdly suspect he spoke what the British ministry thought of your politics. Perhaps it may be said, that you were yourself deceived by those very calumnies of which I have complained. I sincerely vv ish •I could believe that such were the fact -but observe this argument. We contradicted the misstatements of the committees of the lords & commons of Ireland, by an advertise- ment written in prison signed by our names, and published on the 3d of September ; it must have reached London on the 7th or 8th ; your remonstrance must have been made on or before the 12th, for it was com- municated to us on the 16th. The effect produced by our advertisement was electri- cal; and the debate which it caused on the very evening of its appearance in the Irish house of commons, was most remarkable. As you doubtless read the newspapers of the day. these facts could not have been .unknown to you. Why then should you be deceived by misrepresentations which we had recent- ly contradicted under circumstances so ex- traordinary ? Mr. King, did you enter so deeply into the revolution of your country, as to implicate your life in the issue of its fortunes r From the strong attachment of your political friends, 1 presume you were a distinguished leader in those eventful times if not, you had certainly read their histo- ry. Did you remember the calumnies which had been thrown out by British agents a- gaiust the most upright and venerable patri- ots of America ? Did • on call to mind the treatment, given in South Carolina to Gen. Gadsen, Gen. Rutherford, Col Isaacs, and a number of others who had surrendered to that very lord Cornwallis, with whom, thro' his ministers, we negociated, and that those distinguished characters were, in violation of. their capitulation, and of the rights of pa- role, sent to St. Augustine, as we were af- terwards sent to Fort George ? How then is it possible that you could have been a dupe to the misrepresentations of the British government ? These remarks I address with all becom- ing respect to " the first man in the coun- try"—yet in fact, sir, I cannot clearly see in what consists your superiority over myself. It is true you have been a resident minister at the court of St. James's ; and if what I have read in the public prints be true, and if you be apprised of my near relationship and fa- mily connection with sir John Temple,f you must acknowledge that your interfer- ence as a resident minister at the court of St. James's, against my being permitted-to emigrate to A merica, is a very curious in- stance of the caprice of fortune. But let that pass. To what extent I ought to yield to you for talents and information, is not for me to decide. In no other respect, however, do I fee! your excessive superiority. My priv re character and conduct are, 1 hope, as fair as yours ; and even in those matters which I consider as trivial, but upon which aristocratic pride is accustomed to stamp a value, I should not be inclined to shrink from competition. My birth certainly will not humble me by the comparison ; ray pa- ternal fortune was probably much greater than yours ; the.consideratkm in which the name I bear was held in my native country, was as great as yours was ever like to be, be- fore I had an opportunity of contributing to its celebrity. As to the amount of what private fortune I have been able to save from the wreck of calamity, it is unknown to you or to your friends; but two things I tell you : I never was indebted, either in the country from which I came, nor in any other in wdiich I have lived, to any man, further than the necessary credit for the current expences of a family ; and am not so circumstanced that I should tremble "for my subsistence," at the threatened displeasure of your friends.t So much for the past and the present—now for the future. Circum- stances which cannot be controled, have de- cided that my name must be embodied into history. From the manner in which even my political adversaries, and some of my cotemporary historians, unequivocally hos- tile to my principles, already speak of me, I have the consolation of reflecting, that when the falsehoods of the day are wither- ed and rotten, I shall be respected and es- teemed. You, sir, will probably be forgotten when I shall be remembered with honor, or if, peradventure, your, name should descend to posterity, you will be known only as the recorded instrument of part of my persecu- tions, sufferings and misfortunes. I am, sir, &c. THOMAS ADDIS EMMET. t Mr. King, when a lad, was a servant to, crnd nuore the i.ivery of sir John Temple, the near relative of Mr. Emmet. 1 assert this fact on the authority of a respectable gentleman in this city.—Citizen. 1 It is said that on Monday evening last, certain federal gentlemen. held a private meeting, at which they agreed to withdraw or cause to be withdrawn from Mr. Emmet, federal professional business put into his hands, and, as in the glorious times of '98, to combine to do him all the pecuniary inju- ry in their power /—-Citizen. Mr. Coleman's Remarks on the above Letter. To the Kfcctors of the city of Neti-Tori. Mr.F.MMCT, in his late letter to Mr. King, insinuates, that some defence might have been left, forthe pretendedrmsconduct of the Ame- rican minister, bad it not been for the contra- diction, given by himself and his fellow priso- ners, to the " misstatements of the commit- tees j" which contradiction was published in the form of an advertisement ; was seen by Mr. King and ought by him, in fairness to have been handed to me at the same time that, as Emmet asserts, he lumd.edmet.be reports. On discovering.tbat the advertisement refer- red to, contained no such contradiction, and that whatever might be ambiguous In that adver- tnement had been removed, by Mr. Emmet's own declaration, upon oath, I charged MP. Emmer, with tlie falsehood he had uttered ; .adding, that if I did not make this charge good, to the satisfaction of tlu: public, I would consent to be branded as a calumniator. The proofs of the falsehood winch I have adduced, cm wdiich I relied and still do rely, are two papers, eacb bearing- the signature of Thomas Addis tsmniet, ai\d one-of them sub- scribed under the solemnity of an oath. The first of these papers is the advtrtise- ment itself ; from-which it has appeared that tin- contradiction was originally stated to app'y, liottotbere/i'.m (which it is nowadverred the prisoners had riot then even seen) but to " publications, in the different newspapers, jr, ¦•tending to be abstracts of the. reports of the se- en t committee of the house of Commons," and of die " deposition" of the prisoners, " be- fore the committee of the Lords--and Com- mons." The Words are these : " Having read, in the different newspapers, publications pretending te be abstracts of the re- ports of the secret committee of the house of commons, and of our aepositio s before the committees of the lords arid eonnmons, we feel ourselves called upon-to assume the public, that they are grew, and to us astonishing misrepre- s< ntatiens, riot only unsupported by, but in inniiy instances directly contradictory to the facts we really stated on those occasions" Thene, it IS'admitted, are the terms of the genuine advertisement,and to which the names of .Arthur O'Connor, Thomas Addis E.mnotii William James M'Nevin are subscribed. The second riap*r is a sworn examination of Emmet, the direct object of procuring which was, to ascertain, on the part of the committee of the Iiisb bouse of lords, whe- ther the prisoners bed meant, in the foregoing advertisement, to impeach the accuracy oi the evidence given? In this examination Ernatet distinctly swears that the advertisement bad alluded, not-tathertpertr, but ¦' 3oi.,ti,v to the misrepresentations! in the- newspapers " " Thomas Addis Embiet, e?q ! worn, A li- mits ihat'the advertisement which apr.oa ed in .the Hibernian Journal and Sauiider's News Letter on Monday, tlie „7th day of August last, miller tlie sigiatures of Artluir O'Con- nor, Thomas Addis Emmet & Wiliiam James M'Nevin was published by their authority — Says lie did not bj qaid advertisement, ndruoes he in any mann.r mean to contrSdict or retract any thing stated by him before this committee of the. secret committee oT the house of com- mons, but is viilling to hut/icnti'ctde the mhoic of the evidence which he gave on those occasions in any manner that may be thought fit. b that the sail! advertisement aUuiledsalrly to mis- representations in the newspapers l£ay8*$liat hp has read the evidence stated in the Appendix to the report if the secret committee of the house of lords, as having been given by him before that committee, and admits that the evidence so stat- ed, expressed nothing but the truth, but omits many reason* which he gave in justification of his own conduct and of that of the membei s of the union at Urge." eply to all this, on wbicV I relied for my proof--, and as ?n buntble effort at defence, Me. Emmet has produced what is called forsooth a document, upon the strength of which -it is hoped to throw back the charge of falsehood upon me, and to prove me a calumniator. Here follows the document, faithfully ceni cd from the Citizen. If it succeeds in conviu c'mg any man, that M< hat (WImwh, cimtradiccion, giiin in the advertisement " solely alluded to the misrepresentations m the newspapers," I must submit to the consequen- ces ! This document turns out to be a private mi- nute of a speech delivered by Mr. Emmet as he now says, to the committee and reduced to writing immediately after ids return that examination, at which be made oath as above. Here it is. " Emmet- -in the first place, my lords, J disapprove of saying, that the misrepri tions in the newspapers are not supported b% tio- ¦icport of either house of pariiair.cnt--\- that will he considered as implying that nei thcr of those reports; contain any nriarepresen. tail Loo* It. is true fhe newspapers contained a number of misUtements offsets, which are not warranted by either report; but yen Must permit me to say nothing as to the statements contained in those reports- -because if I say any thing of them, 1 must say tho truth ; arid, if I say the truth., I am afraid I shall ojcud. against tlie privilege nj p, rliament I am however free to express to you, m, certainly without uieaee.i. to .if mi, t'.-.j, ah though I admit nothing is mentioned in them, as upon my authority, that is not true, and al- though every fact in them should be equally true, yet I conceive them to contain man , false and injurious misrepresentations ot myself and of those with whom I acted. They abound with imputations of vicious and dishonorable motives, which I have negatived upon my Oath. One, in particular, occurs to me at the instant. It is stated we prevented a large French force, from coming here, through motives of ambi- tion. Now, my lords, I cannot conceive any imputation more injurious or unjust. ; nor can I look upon it as unintentional. " fit i, si uess- ly declared, that the reason for our doing so was, to secure to the people of Ireland a per- fect control over their own country. To sup. pose that such conduct originated 'in ambition, seems to me moat extravagant I'ol.-y. Another objection I have to those reports is, that they omit many circumstances, which, (if it is to be permitted to the public to judga between you and us) ought in fairness to have been made known to that public. In short, try lords, I shall take with me from this country very little more than my character ; but as I am determined to take with me that ch'arac- .ter, I must be excused from giving any sanc- tion to those reports. Another alteration I should wish to make in this paper, is where it seems to imply as if all the details of eorres pondence and connexion of the Irish Union with the French government were accurate. Those given from me are so ; but in reading part of your report this morning in the Free- man's Journal, I observe one in which I am sure you are mistaken." And is Mr. Emmet then reduced at last to this! Is he reduced to hav& recourse to a species of support, which never before was thought of by any man at all acquainted with the rudiments of literary controversy ;------ never resorted to by any lawyer at the bar, in the most desperate extremity, nor ever be- fore produced in any case by any one at all versed in ihe nature of evidence ?------Was it ever before heard of lhat a man should at- tempt to clear himself of a charge of false- hood and overturn, legitimate proof, by set- ting up his own naked and unsupported as- sertion against it ? Really, when we recol- lect that Mr. Emmet, who has done ibis, is a lawyer of reputed abilities ; one who talks to usof his'talents and information'and has pas- sed the greater part of his life in controversy,our resentment turns to piiy and we cannot with- hold our compassion at the deplorable and hu- miliating situation to which we litre beholu him reduced. Under some aspects, indeed, this curious speech might call forth many observations; but, under that in which alone we have at i present any business ' with'it, a. single tne shall suffice—It has nothing to do luiih the ques- tion. The language here held had nothir.fr to do with the points upon which the committee ex- amined Mr. Emmet, and however he might indulge himself in using it, and however ihcy might indulge him in hearing it, it was totally ir- relevant. What ihepoint- were, has appeared in the examination ; and it there also appears,, that in spite of Mr. Emmet's rhetoric, the committee obtained from him on those points, distinct and conclusive answers. They exa- mined him as to the accuracy of the statements which they had given of his own evidence, and not as to his opinions of their report in ge- neral The latter was a subject on which the parties were not at all likely to agree, and on which the committee could have no kind of anxiety for Mr. Emmht's sanction. Though not immediately necessary,I shall al- low myself one or two furiher remarks. The Citizen offers the document '* as a clue to what Mr. Emmet did say ''—Are we to under- stand by this expression, that it is pretended Mr. Emmet did wet say thai which appears in his written examination!—If so, let him speak out—this were indeed a defence—it is Ins only defence, and for God's sake let him seize it !—Or is it insinuated, that he can swear one thing and mean another ; and that, when we have his words written down, we are still in die dark, till we have obtained 'lie clue and the key I Oreat stress is laid b) the Citizen on Mr. Emmet's pretended refusal, before the com- fmttee, to insert, in his examination, aferthe words " solely to the misrepresentations in the newspapers," the words, ' ixdficb are net sup- ported by the report erf either house of parli- ament" because says Mr. Emmet, that would be consi;(ere.-f as " implying.that neither of these reports contains any misrepresentations," and is attempted, as ihe last resource, tr» iwist tins pretended private struggle into a virtual and public contradiction of ihe retorts ¦ives ! Unhappily, however, all "that could possibly be gaited by this little trick, is i it by she inadvertent concession of hisasJ sneiate, Hi. M'Nevii.; whose oath happens to be on the other side- 1 " Dr William y.wus M'Hevin,—sworn—• Admits '.hat the advertisement which appeared ¦ in the Hibernian Journal and. Saunders's News Letter of-Menday the twenty scvenih.of Au- g-e.st last, under the signatures of Arthur O'- Connor, Thomas Addis Emmet, and William James M'Nevin, was published by their au- thority. Says, he does not mean to contradict or retract anything stated by him before this committee or the secret committee of the house of commons. The advertisement alluded sole.lv to be misrepresentations of the netispapers ¦which are not supported ly the report of either bouse of parliament." One comment more. Mr. Emmet is rcp- 'resented..as talking much of " misrepresenta- tions :"—let. us understand what the word means, in his mouth Does it ever mean false as to fact? He de- clares expressly thai it does not. Mr. Emmet confines his charge of mirepre- stntation to two particuars t He says, he is misrepresented, first,' by the assignment of false motives, and, secondly— by the omission of the fine tnings which he had said in justification. I hefaas. then, which are contained in the reports have never been contradicted. It is those facts and those alone, that I have brought forward, against Mr Emmet. But it is said, and this is all that can possi- bly remain to be said, that the committee did the prisoners injustice, in " imputing to them vicious and dishonourable motives" which, on the contrary, they assert were innocem and even praise worthy. Thus, Mr. Emmst would have had the committee make itself a medium for ihe spreading of rebellion, by circulating all the sophisrry and all the flou- rishes of the state-prisoners !—He would have had a Government employ the press for the dissemination of the fine speeches of insur- gents, that so " the public might judge between them "—So too the thief, the burglar and the highway robber could equally assign their miti'ies Theymight tall-, ofthe pressure of personal wane of the sufferings of an indigent and amiable family, or they might make as they some- times have made, a flourishing speech a- gainst the injustice of conditions between the rich and poor, and in favour of a community of goods. All this and more of the :.-ine import may be actually found in the last speeclrc of some of the most hardened wretch- es whose convictions and deaths are recorded in the New-gate Calendar. But it was re- served for United Irishmen, headed by a Tone, an O'Connor, a M'Nevin and an Em- met, to justify and recommend assassination in %.public'print arid to. furnish the ignorant, phrenaied multitude wi'h an eyctr-e for its per- petration on the gnu- d ot motives Thar, it may be seen to what I allude and that !.do not exaggerate, take the following article at fu 1 length from the Union Star pub- lished at Dublin during the rebellion and de- nominated by the rebels an official paper "We are constantly witnessing the impudent affectation of cowardly moderation aciing in partnership with tyranny, against the Union Star, which they accuse of inculcating the principles of assassination. 'f We certainly do not advise, though we do not decry assassination, as we conceive it is the only mode at present, within the reach of Irishmen to bring to justice the royal agents who arc constantly exercising rape, murders and burnings, through our devoted country. " We appeal to thy nobie & venerated name, O Brutus ! who bravely assassinated the ty- rant of your country amidst his cohorts, and in the presence of his pensioned senate,—It is not our solitary suffrage that has attempted to ho- nor thy name, and worship thy spirit. The patriot, the sage and hero, in every honourable state of life, for eighteen centuries, have given thy name the first and most unequivocal re- commendation to the admiring earth, as one that deserves the highest rank among the bene- factors of the f uman race. " Yes ! prince of patriotic assassijts \ thy no- ble and virtuous spirit should pervade our land j the infant whom a British, or a British Irisk. butcher, has left fatherless, should be taught, through his progress to manhood, that thy ex- ample should be rigidly imitated, as an honest duty to his parents and his country. The Irish seaman, maimed in the service of his country's tyrant, whose banners he often led to victory, perhaps, at the same moment when his aged mother lived to see her daughter violated by a horrid soldiery, who had mingled the ashes of her husband with those of their humble liabita. tion—in such a son, assassination would be ahoiyduty, commanded uy nature, and appro- ved of by heaven. Thus we defend assassina- tion, and clear it from the rubbish of ignorance, andjtl e falsehoods ot despotism,which were too often successful in confounding the characters of the man who destroyed a tyrant, and him who, to gratify private revenge, or urged by avarice, might sell himself to murder an innocent fellow, creature.'' Extract of a threatening Lettet Jrom No. 68 of the Press, to an officer of State. %" At such a moment, if unhappily perseve- rance, in your present conduct sboii'd ind«c« it, \ |